Dites moi le.
Tant mieux. Le cheval est toujours chez nous. Il y en a qui auront tout et nous nous aurons presque rien. La France est toujours avant tout. Le devoir avant tout. Toujours en avant et Vive la France. Nous allons dans le Nord. Vive la France. Nous sommes avec la cavalerie Anglaise de bons camarades. La neige tombe beaucoup. Je vais vous dire comment. Les fourrures sont en jeu.
Les Charentais sont solides aux postes. Gants, chaussure, chaussettes, cache-nez. Votre fils qui vous aime et vous embrasse. Vive la France ,. Enfin, la bonne humeur ne manque pas et le bon sang non plus. Pendant 2 jours et 2 nuits, pas un coup de fusil. Le 1er janvier Erreur de date de sa part. Et Mousse est-il mort? Nouvelle erreur de date. Tout va bien, je serais content de vous voir un moment. Attends que je sois de retour, puisque tu le peux. Les colis ne se perdent pas si vite.
Tous les poilus en rotent? Vous savez mon secteur Postal Pas besoin de mettre Tours et Indre et Loire, et les lettres arriveront plus vite. Dans 5 ou 6 jours, je vais au repos. A notre grand cantonnement. Ne vous effrayez pas, car dans quelques semaines, il y en aura pour tout le monde. Vous ne me dites pas non plus si vous recevez le journal de ma campagne. Son mari est au 3 e groupe cycliste de la 3 e Division de cavalerie. Ulysse est-il toujours en partance pour les Dardanelles. Suis toujours au repos.
Nous sommes entre Dannemarie et Mulhouse en Alsace. Chers Parents,. Ne vous en faites pas poussez???
Un malheureux petit obus arrive au dessus de nous et un schrapnell vient frapper notre cher camarade au bras. Monsieur et Madame Videau. Vous savez que vous pouvez vous adresser au souvenir affectueux de ceux-ci et au mien pour toute question. Pasteur P.
Plus grand-chose pour le moment. Je vous laisse juge. Mes meilleurs sentiments. Dites le moi dans la prochaine lettre. Je vous embrasse tous.
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Votre fils qui vous aime. Je reviendrai, quelque chose me le dit.
I saw us become what I thought was a real battalion in a guerrilla army. But among some young blacks, the empathy went further, in imagining the outlines of violent insurrection. Such rage was barely contained within the vortex of American cities, according to film critic Bosley Crowther of the New York Times.
In the month that President Nixon took his first oath of office, Leonard Bernstein and his wife, Felicia Montealegre Cohn, gave a cocktail party in their Park Avenue apartment in support of twenty-one Black Panthers charged with a conspiracy to bomb five department stores in mid-Manhattan, and to murder policemen as well. The prosecution evidently thought so. Yet journalist Murray Kempton, who covered the trial, drew a different moral from the screening from what the prosecution had intended. The Algerian Liberation Front was organized into closed cells; no member knew anyone outside his own cell, or anything about those above him or even about most of those beside him in the structure he served; he knew in fact only as much as he needed to know to function.
He did not even know which object of his investigation might be himself a brother agent. The D. But you can appreciate the effect that this film is going to have on uneducated minds. An avid reader of Frantz Fanon in the s, Pontecorvo refused to be impartial. He shows Col. The method is interrogation.
The logic is impeccable, the lucidity famously French.
Were it nothing more than a possible source of radical fantasy for groups like the Black Panthers, the power of the film would have been locked into a particular historical phase that was bound to pass. Indeed, as the axes of politics shifted to reaction and to the strengthening of conservative authority, and as revolutionary fervor inevitably dissipated, the allure even of a masterpiece might well have vanished.
But The Battle of Algiers has not sunk into oblivion, and need not be sought in the DVD bins where obscure cult films are stacked. In Senator John F.
Candidate received with number one at the ficole Normale Superieure. Exil Malavoi. They tended to ignore the problems of poor white Americans. With subsidies it can get down to a small number of dollars. I am realy very delighted to see your blog site. Some of the works, though, could offend pious Christians, she said.
Can torture ever be justified, for example? In the struggle against undemocratic colonial rule, is violence acceptable? These are the gnawing questions that Pontecorvo poses, without quite decisively answering them. Contrast such hesitancy with Z , another exciting film, which came out three years after the release of The Battle of Algiers.
The Greek-born Costa-Gavras has been a consistently political director; and this anti-fascist film, also shot in Algeria, 36 pits good against evil. Z makes Yves Montand the prey of thuggish police and military, and the only morally interesting question is whether Jean-Louis Trintignant will have the spine to indict and prosecute the uniformed killers and their accomplices. Z stirs audiences to cheer his display of courage, even in defeat; The Battle of Algiers offers a more complex emotional consolation. Mathieu enables this supremely political film to escape the embarrassments of mere propaganda.
Jean Martin, who played Mathieu, would later get another chance to champion French Algeria, in assuming the role of an OAS agent who helps to arrange an attempted assassination of de Gaulle in The Day of the Jackal His reaction to the film has not been disclosed, however. In its second half, terrorism is seen from the perspective of a highly intelligent paratrooper and counter-insurgency strategist which makes Pontecorvo a peculiar kind of Marxist.
Mathieu is neither a fanatic nor a sadist. What if the FLN militants made a point of justifying their actions? Audiences might well have resisted such truculent anti-colonialist exhortation. He even expresses the knowledge that history is on the side of the oppressed colonial peoples, who will win; he himself is merely part of a holding action, preserving imperialism a little longer but bound to fail.
As commander of the 10 th airborne division, General Massu was given full police powers over Greater Algiers on 7 January , and created the system that enclosed the Muslim population within certain neighborhoods of the city.